Americans are choosing populism: why voters don't believe in wealth and what it will lead to in 2025

The main conclusion of the study: populism, not an “affluent society”

In August 2025, the progressive think tank Groundwork Action conducted a large-scale representative online survey of 2529 American voters, as well as two focus group studies among working-class and suburban residents.¹ Key finding: over 60% of respondents do not trust the “traditional” economic arguments of the Democratic Party about an “abundance society,” considering such promises to be far from their own feelings and everyday life.¹

“While your slogans are about GDP growth, real life is becoming different,” the political consultant quoted one of the focus group participants.¹

What is modern American populism?

Almost 70% answer: “Corruption and greed of the rich are to blame for the problems of ordinary citizens.”¹ What is new in the political struggle is open criticism of billionaires, corporations, and nationwide supermarket chains that "profit from price gouging."^{1 2} The popularity of the message “take from the rich and give to you” is growing, and support for “unity against the elites” is gaining ground among young people, urban activists, and increasingly, even among some pensioners.^{1 3}

Populism in the US in the 2020s is less and less associated with any one party: it permeates both left and right rhetoric, forming a common front “against the system.”^{3 4}

Messages that influence the masses: campaign cases of 2025

In the Groundwork Action study, the main examples of “winning” messages were identified as a video clip by Arizona Senator Ruben Gallego (anti-oligarchic campaign), a speech by Georgia Senator Jon Ossoff (“corruption is deeper than Trump”), and a speech by Congressman Vincente Gonzalez (“against grocery store extortion”).¹

A significant portion of those surveyed not only applaud such statements, but also expect even harsher rhetoric — up to calls to limit the right of corporations to finance election campaigns.^{1 3}

Party rating and the crisis of classical democracy

Despite all the efforts of the "classical democrats", the party's rating remains at only 39%, and a quarter of its own voters are disappointed with its policies.¹ The situation is slightly better for Republicans (43% support), but 16% also criticize their own party.¹

Party leaders are paying attention: populism often works only as a quick fix — yet its popularity is only growing every year.⁵

The dynamics of the transformation of populism: why is “prosperity” no longer a vote?

According to analysts, slogans about abundance — “a society of shared wealth” — are associated with a bureaucratic vocabulary far removed from everyday experience.^{1 3} Even with GDP and consumer price index growth, the real wages of most Americans are not keeping up with inflation, further fueling skepticism about promises of “growth.”^{5 6}

Research has emphasized that voters want to see personal responsibility of elites, “popular justice,” not programs of general enrichment without details.^{1 4}

Anti-elite trends and the psychology of mass preferences

Psychologists emphasize that populism fundamentally appeals to a sense of injustice, lost confidence in the future, and the experience of “manipulation from the center.”^{3 4} The emotional appeal of simple slogans — “take and give,” “someone higher up is to blame” — is amplified by inflation, social media, and cultural crises.^{6 7}

The average voter in 2025, according to focus groups, wants, if not a “revolution,” then at least a “blacklist” for big business, banks, and civil servants.^{3 4}

Parallels for Ukraine and Europe: why are these trends dangerous?

Domestic analysts note: Ukraine, like most European countries, has long been involved in the global “virus of populism”^{3 5 8}The examples of the rule of Trump, Orbán, Fico, Le Pen, and even Zelensky demonstrate that the demand for a “simple answer” not only does not fade away, but also sets a precedent for new generations of politicians.^{3 8}

On the one hand, populism expands channels of participation for ordinary people, and on the other, it destroys institutions, strengthens authoritarian tendencies, and kills critical thinking.^{8 9}

Who supports populism: a portrait of a voter

According to a meta-analysis of 22 political studies (2022–2025), “people vs. elites” is the strongest motive.⁴ The overwhelming majority are the older generation, economically vulnerable and socially marginalized groups who see themselves as “abandoned.”^{3 4}

Instead, young people support populism mainly in cultural and social aspects (fighting against the old political language, information openness, protest against authorities).^{4 6}

Why abundance programs are not trusted

The data shows: Americans feel abundance as a “foreign promise” — it is not about their real lives. This is also a big mistake of the Democrats: they have long ceased to consider the bet on economic growth as a universal panacea.^{1 3}

A system in which the rich get richer and the middle class and lower classes lose out automatically shifts the debate to the realm of fighting the “elites,” even if the economy is doing well.^{1 6}

The future: is a return to a centrist agenda possible?

Most experts predict that populism will become the main political weapon for a long time, until not only the rhetoric but also the quality of life of the average person changes.^{4 9 10} Through social networks and the latest technologies, message spread occurs at lightning speed, and the polarization of society consolidates each new “fact” as the basis for the next wave of “popular anger.”^{4 6}

Even economic growth, as 2025 in the United States showed, is no longer considered the main guarantee of trust in government — the factors of identity, justice, and "clean hands" have come to the fore.^{1 10}

Conclusion: the beginning of a new political era?

The results of a study by Politico state that for Democrats and Republicans, the old formulas no longer work. Populism is becoming a universal language — accusations instead of responsibility, emotions instead of numbers.^{1 3 4}

For Ukraine, where populism is often perceived as a vitamin for a young democracy, these data are a warning: institutions will collapse if society ceases to trust not only the elites, but also itself.^{8 9}

Between two extremes — “common wealth” and “anger against the rich” — 2025 has brought the entire civilized world to a point of uncertainty. Life will show whether this will be a point of no return.¹⁰